Χρήστος Μποκόρος, μάγος του φωτός και του σκότους

29/01/2017

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Έκθεση στο Μουσείο Μπενάκη:  Μποκόρος, Όψεις αδήλων έως 26/02/2017

«Απολογία

Συχνά βαρύνομαι από όσα αφελή και ανόητα λέω κατά καιρούς, ερωτώμενος για αυτά που κάνω. Ακόμη κι όταν ενθουσιάζομαι μιλώντας, μετανοώ διαβάζοντας τα λεγόμενά μου. Ωστόσο, συνεχίζω να μιλώ και να γράφω, παρ’ όλη την επίγνωση του επισφαλούς των εκστομίσεων και των καταγραφών. Ίσως γι’ αυτήν ακριβώς την ζωοποιό καταβύθιση στη μετάνοια να συνεχίζω τη φλυαρία. Κι απ’ τα έργα μου βαρύνομαι, αλλά τουλάχιστον τα έργα μας έχουν από μόνα τους τη δική τους απολογία. Αυτά είναι, ίσως, οι πλέον αμερόληπτοι μάρτυρες και κριτές μας στον κόσμο.

Όσο για το ερώτημα, αν η τέχνη μας έχει νόημα και ποιό είν’ αυτό, δεν αφορά ακριβώς τα έργα μας αλλά εμάς τους ίδιους και τις προσδοκίες μας, ως πρόσωπα και, κυρίως, ως κοινότητα. Μπορεί η διαπραγμάτευση του υψηλού, της ομορφιάς ή της ηθικής να είναι προσωπική μας ευθύνη και αρετή, αλλά μόνον ως κοινωνικά αγαθά αξιώνονται. 

Αυτό, πάντως, που αντιλαμβάνομαι σαν τέχνη και επιδιώκω να προσεγγίσω με τα έργα μου, είναι η, επ’ αγαθώ, συγκράτηση νοήματος αιωνιότητας στην εφήμερη χειρονομία μας, η μνημείωση του ελάχιστου και καθημερινού, του περαστικού και ήδη φευγάτου παρόντος, ένα σημάδι στο πέρασμα ανώνυμων ή δικών μας ανθρώπων, ένα κεράκι στην απουσία τους, ο υπαινιγμός μιας παρουσίας άφθαρτης, η ομολογία ζεστού φωτός στον ψυχρό τόπο του άδειου. 

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Eπιμένω στη ζωγραφική αναπαράσταση, επειδή αυτή μου δίνει τη δυνατότητα να αποδίδω το στιγμιότυπο ως αρχέτυπη εικόνα, το συμβάν ως ιδέα.

Χρησιμοποιώ, επιφάνειες φθαρμένες από προηγούμενες βιοτικές χρήσεις, για να ενσαρκωθεί στο έργο, εκτός από το θέμα και την όποια αναπαραστατική δεξιότητα, η συνεχής υπόμνηση του συλλογικού τόπου και χρόνου από τον οποίο κατάγεται ο συλλογισμός μου και στον οποίο θα ήθελα να απευθύνεται το τελικό αποτέλεσμα της χειροτεχνίας μου. 

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Eπιλέγω τα θέματά μου με κριτήριο την αναγνώριση τους, τόσο ως εντόπια σήματα όσο και ως οικουμενικά σύμβολα επικοινωνίας των ανθρώπων με την άφατη οικειότητα του μυστήριου που περιβάλει τα υλικά αντικείμενα γύρω μας. 

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Η διαδικασία της προετοιμασίας και της ζωγραφικής με οδηγεί, κάποιες στιγμές προσήλωσης και πειθαρχείας, σε απρόοπτα ξέφωτα αυτογνωσίας και συμφιλίωσης με την κοινή μας συνθήκη, τον τετελεσμένο κόσμο. Εκεί μου αποκαλύπτεται η επιφάνεια της ομορφιάς, εκεί συντελείται και η υπέρβασή στην αιωνιότητα και την αλήθεια. Aυτά τα ξέφωτα προσδοκώ και γι’ αυτά εργάζομαι.

Λόγια λέω πάλι, κι η ζωγραφική απομακρύνεται. Σαν να είναι πάντα κάπου αλλού η ύλη και το πνεύμα που ενσαρκώνει. Μακρυά από τις εικόνες της και τις περιγραφές της. Κρατάει μιαν απόσταση, όσο κοντά της κι αν βρισκόμαστε. Στην αύρα αυτής της απόστασης σώζεται το μυστικό της, σώζεται και κάτι από εμάς μαζί του.»

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images-2«… στη λευκή, καθαρή πετσέτα που τύλιγαν το πρόσφορο άφηναν διπλωμένο κι ένα κομμάτι χαρτί με γραμμένα τα ονόματα νεκρών και ζώντων μελών της οικογένειας για να μνημονευτούν μετά τη λειτουργία, υπέρ υγείας και αναπαύσεως. Όλοι μαζί• μία γραμμή τους χώριζε, οι ζωντανοί με τους ζωντανούς από τη μια μεριά κι οι πεθαμένοι με τους πεθαμένους από την άλλη. Μικρός έγραφα καλά, με έβαζαν κάποιες φορές να τα καλλιγραφώ, προσέχοντας να είναι τακτοποιημένα σωστά και καθαρά τα ονόματα, μην κάνει κανένα λάθος ο παπάς και ξαστοχήσει η ευχή.
Μου έκανε πάντα βαθειά εντύπωση η τόση επιμέλεια, ακόμα και των λιγότερο ευσεβών, στην παρασκευή και την προσκόμιση των προσφορών. Πόση φροντίδα απαιτούσε η προσφορά ύλης στο αόρατο. Πόση προσοχή, πειθαρχία και τάξη για να μετεωριστείς στην όποια ελευθερία του πνεύματος. Και πάλι για λίγο, ελάχιστα και προσωρινά, ίσα να τ’ αγγίξεις, κι αν τ’ άγγιζες κι αυτό.»

για περισσότερα: http://www.bokoros.gr/


Σήμερα μνήμη Ολοκαυτώματος: ΦΟΡΟΣ ΤΙΜΗΣ ΣΤΟΝ ΕΙΣΑΓΓΕΛΕΑ FRITZ BAUER

28/01/2017

images-1H 27η Ιανουαρίου 1945 ήταν η μέρα που απελευθερώθηκε το στρατόπεδο θανάτου Άουσβιτς- Μπιρκενάου από τον σοβιετικό Κόκκινο Στρατό. Και έχει οριστεί ως μέρα μνήμης του SHOAH (Ολοκαυτώματος), την γενοκτονία που εξόντωσε 6 εκατομμύρια Εβραίους, 2 εκατομμύρια Ρομά,  250,000 σωματικά και διανοητικά αναπήρους και 9000 ομοφυλόφιλους. (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/International_Holocaust_Remembrance_Day)

Αυτή τη μέρα αρμόζει ένας φόρος τιμής στον Φριτς Μπάουερ (16/7/1903 – 1 /7/1968), τον Γερμανό εισαγγελέα και κυνηγό εγκληματιών Ναζί, μεταπολεμικά, τον καιρό της κυβέρνησης Αντενάουερ. O Μπάουερ συγκέντρωνε στο προσωπό του όλα όσα μισούσαν οι Ναζί: Εβραίος, σοσιαλδημοκράτης και ομοφυλόφιλος. Πάνω απ’ όλα όμως ήταν ένας υπέρμαχος της δικαιοσύνης και της κοινωνικής αυτογνωσίας. Χάρις σ’ αυτόν έγινε η πρώτες δίκες εγκληματιών του Άουσβιτς από τα γερμανικά δικαστήρια, στις ιστορικές δίκες της Φρανκφούρτης. (1963-1965), όπου για πρώτη φορά η γερμανική κοινωνία βρέθηκε αντιμέτωπη με το πρόσφατο ναζιστικό της παρελθόν. Μερικά χρόνια νωρίτερα ο Μπάουερ έπαιξε κομβικό ρόλο στην σύλληψη του Άντολφ Άϊχμαν από τη Μοσάντ.  Σε μια εποχή που το γερμανικό κράτος είχε ακόμα πρώην ναζί σε θέσεις κλειδιά στον κρατικό μηχανισμό, ο Μπάουερ  με απίστευτο πείσμα και παρά τις απειλές για τη ζωή του και τα μυστικά της ιδιωτικής του ζωής να κρέμονται σαν δαμόκλεια σπάθη πάνω του, ανακάλυψε τον Άϊχμαν στην Αργεντινή και έκανε δυνατή την σύλληψή του. Ο άνθρωπος αυτός για τα επόμενα χρόνια μετά το θάνατό του έπεσε στην αφάνεια. Ωστόσο τα τελευταία χρόνια άρχισε να αναγνωρίζεται η προσφορά του στο ευρύ κοινό, χάρις σε δύο γερμανικές ταινίες : «Ο Λαβύρινθος της σιωπής» (Im Labyrinth des Schweigens» 2014) του Giulio Ricciarelli και η «Υπόθεση Φριτς Μπάουερ» («Der Staat gegen Fritz Bauer» 2015) του Lars KraumeΔύο πολύ ενδιαφέρουσες και καλογυρισμένες ταινίες που στη χώρα μας πέρασαν μάλλον απαρατήρητες.

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Τα 12 πιο αγαπημένα μου τραγούδια από τον κινηματογράφο

20/01/2017

(με ανιούσα κατάταξη αυστηρά υποκειμενική)

12. The time of your life (DIRTY DANCING)

11. Money (CABARET)

10. THE WAY WE WERE

9. Moon River (BREAKFAST AT TIFFANY’S)

8. Αmerica (WEST SIDE STORY)

7. Que sera sera (tHE MAN WHO KNEW TOO MUCH)

6. JONNIE GUITAR

5.  Mrs Robinson (THE GRADUATE)

4. Le tourbillon (JULES ET JIM)

3. The music of the night (FANTOM OF THE OPERA)

2. Brucia la terra (THE GODFATHER)

  1. As time goes by (CASABLANCA)


Η τελευταία συνέντευξη τύπου του Μπαράκ Ομπάμα 18/1/2017

19/01/2017

αποσπάσματα από την πλήρη απομαγνητοφώνηση των New York Times:

ΓΙΑ ΤΑ ΜΜΕ:

I spent a lot of time on my — in my farewell address talking about the state of our democracy. It goes without saying that essential to that is a free press. That is part of how this place, this country, this grand experiment of self-government has to work. It doesn’t work if we don’t have a well-informed citizenry, and you are the conduit through which they receive the information about what’s taking place in the halls of power. So America needs you and our democracy needs you. We need you to establish a baseline of facts and evidence that we can use as a starting point for the kind of reasoned and informed debates that ultimately lead to progress. And so my hope is is that you will continue with the same tenacity that you showed us, to do the hard work of getting to the bottom of stories and getting them right and to push those of us in power to be the best version of ourselves and to push this country to be the best version of itself. I have no doubt that you will do so, I’m looking forward to being an active consumer of your work, rather than always the subject of it. I want to thank you all for your extraordinary service to our democracy.

ΓΙΑ ΤΙΣ ΣΧΕΣΕΙΣ ΜΕ ΤΗ ΡΩΣΣΙΑ:

Number one, I think it is in America’s interest and the world’s interest that we have a constructive relationship with Russia. That’s been my approach throughout my presidency. Where our interests have overlapped we’ve worked together.

At the beginning of my term, I did what I could to encourage Russia to be a constructive member of the international community and tried to work with the president and the government of Russia in helping them diversify their economy, improve their economy, use the incredible talents of the Russian people in more constructive ways.

I think it’s fair to say that after President Putin came back into the presidency, that an escalating anti-American rhetoric and an approach to global affairs that seem to be premised on the idea that whatever America’s trying to do must be bad for Russians, so we want to try to counter act whatever they do. That returned to an adversarial spirit that I think existed during the Cold War, has made the relationship more difficult.

And it was hammered home when Russia went into Crimea and portions of Ukraine. The reason we imposed the sanctions, recall, was not because of nuclear weapons issues, it was because the independence and sovereignty of a country, Ukraine, had been encroached upon by force, by Russia. That wasn’t our judgment, that was the judgment of the entire international community.

And, Russia continues to occupy Ukrainian territory and meddle in Ukrainian affairs and support military surrogates who have violated basic international laws and international norms. What I’ve said to the Russians, is as soon as you stop doing that, the sanctions will be removed. And I think it would probably best serve, not only American interests, but also the interests of preserving international norms if we made sure that we don’t confuse why these sanctions have been imposed with a whole set of other issues.

On nuclear issues, in my first term we negotiated the START II Treaty and that has substantially reduced our nuclear stock piles, both Russia and the United States. I was prepared to go further, I told President Putin I was prepared to go further. They have been unwilling to negotiate.

If President-elect Trump is able to restart those talks in a serious way, I think there remains a lot of room for our two countries to reduce their our stock piles. And part of the reason we’ve have been successful on our non-proliferation agenda and on our nuclear security agenda, is because we were leading by example. I hope that continues.

But I think it’s important just to remember that the reason sanctions have been put in place against Russia, has to do with their actions in Ukraine. And it is important for the United States to stand up for the basic principal that big countries don’t go around and invade and bully smaller countries.

I’ve said before, I expect Russia and Ukraine to have a strong relationship. They are historically bound together in all sorts of cultural and social ways, but Ukraine is an independent country and this is a good example of the vital role that America has to continue to play, around the world, in preserving basic norms and values. Whether it’s advocating on behalf of human rights, advocating on behalf of women’s rights, advocating on behalf of freedom of the press.

You know, the United States has not always been perfect in this regard, there are times where we — by necessity are dealing with allies or friends or partners, who themselves are not meeting the standards that we would like to see met when it comes to international rules and norms.

But I can tell you that in every multilateral setting in the United Nations, in the G-20, in the G-7, the United States typically has been on the right side of these issues and it is important for us to continue to be on the right side of these issues because if we, the largest, strongest country and democracy in the world, are not willing to stand up on behalf of these values, then certainly China, Russia and others will not.

ΓΙΑ ΕΝΔΕΧΟΜΕΝΗ ΠΟΛΙΤΙΚΗ ΤΟΥ ΠΑΡΕΜΒΑΣΗ  ΓΙΑ ΔΗΜΟΚΡΑΤΙΑ, ΑΝΘΡΩΠΙΝΑ ΔΙΚΑΙΩΜΑΤΑ:

I did not mean that I was going to be running for anything anytime soon. So, what I meant is that it’s important for me to take some time to process this amazing experience that we’ve gone through… But as I said before, I’m still a citizen. And I think it is important for Democrats or progressive who feel that they came out on the wrong side of this election to be able to distinguish between the normal back-and-forth, ebb-and-blow of policy. Now, are we going to raise taxes or are we going to lower taxes? Are we going to, you know, expand this program or eliminate this program? You know, how — how concerned are we about air pollution or climate change?

Those are all normal parts of the debate. And as I’ve said before, in a democracy sometimes you’re going to win on those issues and sometimes you’re going to lose. I’m confident about the rightness of my positions on a lot of these points, but we’ve got a new president and a Congress that are going to make their same determinations. And there will be a back-and-forth in Congress around those issues. And you guys will report on all that.

But there’s a difference between that normal functioning of politics and certain issues or certain moments where I think our core values may be at stake. I put in that category if I saw systematic discrimination being ratified in some fashion. I put in that category explicit or functional obstacles to people being able to vote, to exercise their franchise. I’d put in that category institutional efforts to silence dissent or the press. And for me at least, I would put in that category efforts to roundup kids who have grown up here and for all practical purposes are American kids, and send them someplace else, when they love this country. They are our kids’ friends and their classmates, and are now entering into community colleges or in some cases serving in our military, that the notion that we would just arbitrarily or because of politics punish those kids, when they didn’t do anything wrong themselves, I think would be something that would merit me speaking out. It doesn’t mean that I would get on the ballot anyway.

ΓΙΑ ΤΗΝ ΚΟΥΒΑ:

We underwent a monumental shift in our policy towards Cuba. My view was after 50 years of a policy not working, it made sense for us to try to reopen diplomatic relations, to engage a Cuban government, to be honest with them about the strong disagreements we have around, you know, political oppression and treatment of dissenters and freedom of press and freedom of religion, but that to make progress for the Cuban people, our best shot was to suddenly have the Cuban people interacting with Americans and seeing the incredible success of the Cuban-American community and engaging in commerce and business and trade, and that it was through that process of opening up these bilateral relations that you would see over time serious and significant improvement.

Given that shift in the relationship, the policy that we had in place with wet foot, dry foot, which treated Cuban immigrants completely different from folks from El Salvador or Guatemala or Nicaragua or any other part of the world, one that made a distinction between whether you got here by land or by foot. You know, that was a carryover of a old way of thinking that didn’t make sense in this day and age, particularly as we’re opening up travel between the two countries.

And so, you know, we had very length think consultations with the Department of Homeland Security, we had some tough negotiations with the Cuban government, but arrived at a policy which we both think is both fair and appropriate to the changing nature of the relationship between the two countries.

ΓΙΑ ΤΟ ΙΣΡΑΗΛ:  I continue to be significantly worried about the Israeli-Palestinian issue. And I’m worried about it both because I think the status quo is unsustainable, that it is dangerous for Israel, that it is bad for Palestinians, it is bad for the region and it is bad for America’s national security. And you know, I came into this office wanting to do everything I could to encourage serious peace talks between Israelis and Palestinians. And we invested a lot of energy, a lot of time, a lot of effort first year, second year, all the way until last year. Ultimately, what has always been clear is that we cannot force the parties to arrive at peace. What we can do is facilitate, provide a platform, encourage, but we can’t force them to do it. But in light of shifts in Israeli politics and Palestinian politics, a rightward drift in Israeli politics, weakening of President Abbas’ ability to move and take risks on behalf of peace in the Palestinian territories.

In light of all the dangers that have emerged in the region and the understandable fears that Israelis may have about the chaos and rise of groups like ISIL and the deterioration of Syria, in light of all those things, what we at least wanted to do, understanding that the two parties wouldn’t actually arrive at a final status agreement, is to preserve the possibility of the two-state solution because we do not see an alternative to it.

And I’ve said this directly to Prime Minister Netanyahu, I’ve said it inside of Israel, I’ve said it to Palestinians as well. I don’t see how this issue gets resolved in a way that maintains Israel as both Jewish and a democracy. Because if you do not have two states, then in some form or fashion you are extending an occupation, functionally you end up having one state in which millions of people are disenfranchised and operate as second class residents.

You can’t even call them citizens necessarily. And so – so the goal of the resolution was to simply say that the settlements, the growth of the settlements are creating a reality on the ground that increasingly will make a two-state solution impossible. And we’ve believed consistent with the position that has been taken with previous U.S. administrations for decades now that it was important for us to send a signal, a wakeup call that this moment may be passing.

And Israeli voters and Palestinians need to understand that this moment may be passing. And – and hopefully, that then creates a debate inside both Israeli and Palestinian communities that won’t result immediately in peace but at least will lead to a more sober assessment of what the alternatives are. So, the president-elect will have his own policy. The ambassador or the candidate for the ambassadorship obviously has very different views than I do.

That is their prerogative, that’s part of what happens after elections, and I think my views are clear. We’ll see how – how their approach plays itself out. I don’t want to – I don’t want to project today what could end up happening but obviously it’s a volatile environment. What we’ve seen in the past is when sudden unilateral moves are made that speak to some of the core issues and sensitivities of either side, that can be explosive.

And what we’ve tried to do in the transition is just provide the context in which the president-elect may want to make some of these decisions.

ΓΙΑ ΤΑ ΔΙΚΑΙΩΜΑΤΑ ΤΩΝ LGBT:

 I could not be prouder of the transformation that’s taken place in our society just in the last decade. And, I’ve said before, I think we made some useful contributions to it, but the primary heroes in this stage of our — our growth as a Democracy and a society are all the individual activists and sons and daughters and couples who courageously said, this is who I am and I’m proud of it.

And, that opened people’s minds and opened their hearts. And, eventually, laws caught up. But, I don’t think any of that would have happened without the activism, in some cases loud and noisy, but in some cases just quiet and very personal. And — and I think that what we did as an administration was to help to — the society to move in a better direction, but to do so in a way that didn’t create an enormous backlash and was — was systematic and respectful of the fact, you know, in some cases these issues were controversial.

I think the way we handled, for example, don’t ask, don’t tell, being methodical about it, working with the joint chiefs, making sure we showed this would not have an impact on the effectiveness of the greatest military on Earth. And then to have Defense Secretary Bob Gates and Chairman Mike Mullen and joint chiefs who were open to evidence and ultimately worked with me to do the right thing.

I am proud of that, but again, none of that would have happened without this incredible transformation that was happening in society out there. You know, when I gave Ellen the Presidential Medal of Freedom, I meant what I said. I think somebody that kind and likable, projecting into, you know, living rooms around the country. You know, that changed attitudes. And that wasn’t easy to do for her. And that’s just one small example of what was happening in countless communities all across the country.

So — so I’m proud that in certain places we maybe provided a good block down field to help the movement advance. I don’t think it is something that will be reversible because American society has changed, the attitudes of young people, in particular, have changed. That doesn’t mean there aren’t going to be some fights that are important, legal issues, issues surrounding transgender persons. There’s still going to be some battles that need to take place. But, if you talk to young people, Malia, Sasha’s generation, even if their Republicans, even if their Conservative, many of them will tell you, I don’t understand how you would discriminate against somebody because of sexual orientation. That’s just sort of burned into them in — in pretty powerful ways.

ΓΙΑ ΤΙΣ ΙΣΕΣ ΕΥΚΑΙΡΙΕΣ, ΓΙΑ ΤΗΝ ΔΥΝΑΤΟΤΗΤΑ ΤΟΥ ΕΚΛΕΓΕΙΝ ΚΑΙ ΕΚΛΕΓΕΣΘΑΙ

 I think we’re going to see people of merit rise up from every race, faith, corner of this country. Because that’s America’s strength. When we have everybody getting a chance and everybody’s on the field, we end up being better.

Michelle and I, we always have our — the Olympic team here. And it’s a lot of fun, first of all, just because, you know, anytime you’re meeting somebody who’s the best at anything, it’s impressive. And these mostly very young people are all just so healthy looking and they just beam and exude fitness and health. And so we have a great time talking to them. But they are of all shapes, sizes, colors. You know, the genetic diversity that is on display is remarkable. And if you look at Simone Biles, and then you look at a Michael Phelps, they’re completely different. And it’s precisely because of those differences that we’ve got people here who can excel at any sport. And by the way, more than half of our medals came from women. And the reason is is because we had the foresight several decades ago with something called Title IX to make sure that women got opportunities in sports, which is why our women compete better, because they have more opportunities than folks in other countries.

So, you know, I use that as a metaphor and if in fact we continue to keep opportunity open to everybody, then yeah, we’re going to have a woman president. We’re going to have a Latino president. And we’ll have a Jewish president, a Hindu president. You know, who knows who we’re going to have.

I suspect we’ll have a whole bunch of mixed up presidents at some point that nobody really knows what to call them. And that’s fine.

Now, what do I worry about? …I worry about inequality because I think that if we are not investing in making sure everybody plays a role in this economy, the economy will not grow as fast and I think it will also lead to further and further separation between us as Americans — not just along racial lines. I mean, there are a whole bunch of folks who voted for the president-elect because they feel forgotten and disenfranchised.

They feel as if they’re being looked down on. They feel as if their kids aren’t going to have the same opportunities as they did.

And you don’t want to — you don’t want to have an America in which a very small sliver of people are doing really well, and everybody else is fighting for scraps, as I said last week. Because that’s oftentimes when racial divisions get magnified, because people think, well, the only way I’m going to get ahead is if I make sure somebody else gets less; somebody who doesn’t look like me or doesn’t worship the same place I do.

That’s not a good recipe for our democracy. I worry about, as I said in response to a previous question, making sure that the basic machinery of our democracy works better. We are the only country in the advanced world that makes it harder to vote rather than easier. And that dates back. There’s an ugly history to that that we should not be shy about talking about(…) The reason that we are the only country among advanced democracies that makes it harder to vote is — it traces directly back to Jim Crow and the legacy of slavery and it became sort of acceptable to restrict the franchise (ph). And that’s not who we are. That shouldn’t be who we are. That’s not when America works best. So I hope that people pay a lot of attention to making sure that everybody has a chance to vote. Make it easier, not harder.

This whole notion of election — voting fraud, this is something that has constantly been disproved, this — this is fake news. The notion that there are a whole bunch of people out there who are going out there and are not eligible to vote and want to vote. We have the opposite problem. We have a whole bunch of people who are eligible to vote who don’t vote. And so the idea that we put in place a whole bunch of barriers to people voting doesn’t make sense. And then the — you know, as I said before, political gerrymandering that makes your vote matter less because politicians have decided you live in a district where everybody votes the same way you do so that these aren’t competitive races and we get 90 percent Democratic districts, 90 percent Republican districts, that’s bad for our democracy too. I worry about that.

I think it is very important for us to make sure that our criminal justice system is fair and just, but I also think it’s also very important to make sure that it is not politicized, that it maintains an integrity that is outside of partisan politics at every level. I think at some point, we’re going to have to spend — and this will require some action by the Supreme Court, we have to re- examine just the flood of endless money that goes into our politics, which I think is very unhealthy.

So there are a whole bunch of things I worry about there. And as I said in my speech on Tuesday, we’ve got more work to do on race. It is not — it is simply not true that things have gotten worse. They haven’t. Things are getting better and I have more confidence on racial issues in the next generation than I do in our generation or the previous generation. I think kids are smarter about it. They’re more tolerant. They are more inclusive by instinct than we are, and hopefully, my presidency maybe helped that along a little bit.

But you know, we — when we feel stress, when we feel pressure, when we’re just fed information that encourages some of our worst instincts, we tend to fall back into some of the old racial fears and racial divisions and racial stereotypes, and it’s very hard for us to break out of those and to listen and to think about people as people and to imagine being in that person’s shoes.

And by the way, it’s no longer a black and white issue alone. You got Hispanic folks and you got Asian folks, this is not just the same old battles that — we’ve got this stew that’s bubbling up from people everywhere and we’re going to have to make sure that we in our own lives and our own families and work places do a better job of treating everybody with basic respect and understanding that not everybody starts off in the same situation and imaging what would it be like if you were born in an inner city and had no job prospects anywhere within a 20 mile radius or how does it feel being born in some rural county where there’s no job opportunities within in a 20 mile radius and seeing those two things as connected as opposed to separate.

So, you know, we got work to do, but overall, I think on this front, the trend lines, ultimately, I think will be good. (…)


ELBPHILHARMONIE: η συναυλία εγκαινίων

19/01/2017

Η συναυλία εγακαινίων της Elbphilharmonie, του Μεγάρου της Φιλαρμονικής του Έλβα, της νέας αίθουσας συναυλιών του Αμβούργου. (11/1/17) Μια πλατιά γκάμα συμφωνικής μουσικής, από το μπαρόκ έως τις πιο σύγχρονες συνθέσεις, με κορωνίδα το φινάλε της Ενάτης του Μπετόβεν. Αξίζουν οι 4 ώρες παρακολούθηση. Διαθέσιμη online στο ARTE.

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http://concert.arte.tv/fr/concert-ouverture-elbphilharmonie-hambourg


TO ΜΕΓΑΡΟ ΤΗΣ ΦΙΛΑΡΜΟΝΙΚΗΣ ΤΟΥ ΕΛΒΑ

19/01/2017

 

e54689c32466e067

Το νέο αρχιτεκτονικό κόσμημα του Αμβούργου ακούει στο όνομα ELBPHILHARMONIE. To συγκρότημα, δημιουργία του αρχιτεκτονικού γραφείου HERZOG & DE MEURON και του μάγου της ακουστικής  Yasuhisa Toyota, εκτός από την αίθουσα συναυλιών, περιλαμβάνει και δεύτερη αίθουσα μουσικής, ένα ξενοδοχείο, εστιατόριο και διαμερίσματα. Χτίστηκε πάνω σε νησάκι του ποταμού Έλβα, πάνω από μια παλιά αποθήκη. Στην κυρίως αίθουσα η πλατεία και τα θεωρεία είναι διαμορφωμένα γύρω από τον χώρο της ορχήστρας, η οποία βρίσκεται στο κέντρο. Έτσι, δεν υπάρχουν καλές και λιγώτερο καλές θέσεις- όλες οι θέσεις είναι ισάξιες. Το θαύμα ακουστικής δημιουργήθηκε χάρις στην ειδική κυψελωτή επένδυση των τοίχων. Τα εγκαίνια έγιναν στις 11 Ιανουαρίου.elbphilharmonie-weisse-hautimageselbphilharmonie-hamburg4

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Jacques Herzog & Pierre de Meuron

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Yasuhisa Toyota


H ΚΥΠΡΟΣ ΦΟΒΑΤΑΙ ΟΤΙ Η ΡΩΣΣΙΑ ΘΑ ΜΠΟΡΟΥΣΕ ΝΑ ΚΑΤΑΣΤΡΕΨΕΙ ΤΗΝ ΕΠΑΝΕΝΩΣΗ

16/01/2017

vladimir-putinkotzias

CYPRUS FEARS RUSSIA COULD WRECK REUNIFICATION

By SARA STEFANINI 1/12/17- POLITICΟ

Moscow has plenty to gain from keeping Greek and Turkish Cypriots divided. 

GENEVA — As Cypriot leaders tussle with Greece, Turkey and the U.K. over the most delicate parts of an agreement to reunify the island, there’s a growing fear that Russia could spoil a deal. That’s because the Kremlin has little to gain from the end of a four-decade split between Greek and Turkish Cypriots.

A peace deal would ease tensions between the European Union and Turkey, open the way to formal cooperation between the EU and NATO (blocked because Turkey and Cyprus don’t officially recognize each other), give Turkey a new source of natural gas imports and hand Brussels a diplomatic success story after a series of blows last year. None of those advance Russia’s interests.

The fear on the Greek Cypriot side is that Moscow is using social and mass media, as well as ties to fringe nationalist political parties and the Greek Orthodox Church, to undermine the settlement talks.

The government is aware of Russian activities and monitoring the situation,” said a source close to the government of Nicos Anastasiades, Cyprus’ internationally recognized president and the Greek Cypriot leader.

The concern comes amid reports of the Kremlin intervening in U.S. and European elections with cyberattacks, “fake news” propaganda and support for populist and anti-establishment movements.

Russia isn’t directly involved in the discussions underway this week in Geneva between Anastasiades and Mustafa Akıncı, president of the self-declared Turkish Cypriot state, and, as of Thursday, officials from Greece, Turkey, the U.K., the United Nations and the European Union. But the worry is that it will use its soft power to influence public opinion, especially if the two sides reach a peace deal and start campaigning for a referendum in the coming months. There’s some indication that Moscow has already started to do that. Russia’s ambassador to Cyprus, Stanislav Osadchiy, has drawn criticism on the island over the past month by sending mixed messages about his government’s position on reunification.

In what the Greek Cypriot newspaper Politis described as a “political blunder,” Osadchiy was the only foreign representative to attend a seminar in late December between five smaller political parties, where the focus was on opposing reunification and attacking Anastasiades’ role in the talks. He was quickly summoned to the Cypriot foreign ministry to explain, Politis reported. A few days later, Osadchiy stressed his government’s support for a settlement deal, as well as its readiness to attend the Geneva meeting if the U.N. Security Council’s five permanent members were invited.

We first of all support the solution, we expect difficult days ahead, but Russia sincerely wants a solution to the Cyprus problem and we hope that one will be achieved in Geneva,” Osadchiy said on December 30, according to the Famagusta Gazette. The Russian embassy in Cyprus could not be reached for comment. Διαβάστε τη συνέχεια του άρθρου »


ΠΟΥ ΠΑΕΙ Η ΕΥΡΩΠΗ ΜΕΤΑ ΤΟ BREXIT?

14/01/2017

Συζήτηση στη Σχολή Πολιτικών Επιστημών (Science Po) στις 25 Ιουνίου 2016 με τους:

Ντανιελ Κον-Μπεντίτ (Πράσινοι)

Reneau Dehousse, διευθυντή του Κέντρου Ευρωπαϊκών Σπουδών της Σχολής Πολιτικών Επιστημών

Εμμανουέλ Μακρόν, (τότε) υπουργό οικονομίας και βιομηχανίας και ψηφιακής τεχνολογίας

Συλβί Γκουλάρ, ευρωβοτλευτή (Φιλελεύθεροι -ALDE)

τη συζήτηση συντονίζει ο Ζαν Κατρμέρ, δημοσιογράφος (Liberation)


ΠΟΙΑ ΑΡΙΣΤΕΡΑ;

14/01/2017

Με αφορμή τα κατορθώματα του ΣΥΡΙΖΑ, πολύς λόγος γίνεται πάλι για το ποιά είναι η πραγματική Αριστερά.

Εγώ δεν θα πώ «αυτή δεν είναι αριστερά» γιατί ΚΑΙ αυτή είναι αριστερά. Όπως χριστιανισμός ήταν ΚΑΙ ο Άϊ Φραγκίσκος ΚΑΙ η Ιερά Εξέταση. Kαι ο πιο ειδεχθής σταλινισμός και η αριστερά των ευρωπαϊκών κομμουνιστικών κομμάτων, και η αριστερά του Μπερλινγκουέρ και του Κύρκου, και η αριστερά του Χότζα.

Προσωπικά εγώ ποτέ δεν ανήκα στην mainstream ευρω-αριστερά, στην αριστερά των σαλονιών, της υποκρισίας και του πουριτανισμού, που κοπτόταν για τα ανθρώπινα δικαιώματα, αλλά καταδίκαζε τη Σοβιετική Ένωση με μισό στόμα, την Κούβα ποτέ, ποτέ τα εγκλήματα των κομμουνιστών στον Ισπανικό ή στον Ελληνικό Εμφύλιο. Και που έσπευδε να περιβάλει με καχυποψία όποιον διανοούμενο τολμούσε να το κάνει.

Ώσπου κάποτε οι κριτικές φωνές δεν ήταν πια μεμονωμένοι «ύποπτοι» διανοούμενοι αλλά έγιναν κύμα μαζικό. Από τότε που πολιτικοποιήθηκα, ιδεολογικά και συναισθηματικά με κέρδισε η Νέα Αριστερά, η εναλλακτική, η αριστερά του Αμερικάνικου νεολαιΐστικου κινήματος, του Γαλλικού, του Γερμανικού και Ιταλικού Μάη, την αριστερά του Κον-Μπεντίτ και του Γιόσκα Φίσερ, των Μαύρων Πανθήρων, της φεμινιστικής και σεξουαλικής επανάστασης και της επανάστασης του ροκ-εντ-ρολλ. Και φυσικά η αριστερά του Καστοριάδη, του Μαρκούζε, του Χάβελ, της Solidarnosc. Δεν ανήκω λοιπόν στις τάξεις αυτών (μεταξύ τους και πολλοί φίλοι μου) που νοσταλγούν το ΚΚΕ εσωτερικού και θρηνούν την αριστερά που ηττήθηκε. Η ΔΙΚΗ ΜΟΥ ΑΡΙΣΤΕΡΑ ΝΙΚΗΣΕ. Άλλαξε το πρόσωπο του κόσμου, άνοιξε τα μυαλά των ανθρώπων, άλλαξε τις συμπεριφορές, τις νοοτροπίες, την καθημερινότητα, τον πολιτιστικό μας πρόσωπο. Παρά τις υπερβολές, τις «τριτοκοσμικές» παρεκκλίσεις και τον δηλητηριώδη καρπό της τρομοκρατίας, η «άλλη» αριστερά ήταν η πραγματική πολιτιστική επανάσταση, που καρπός της είναι όλα τα σημερινά επιτεύγματα στις νέες τεχνολογίες, στα ανθρώπινα δικαιώματα, στις ΜΚΟ, στο οικολογικό κίνημα. Ακόμα και ο τρόπος που οι ευρωπαϊκοί λαοί αγκάλιασαν την έννοια της Ενωμένης Ευρώπης έχει σχέση με αυτά τα κινήματα. Στις δεκαετίες του ’60 και ’70 μπήκαν οι σπόροι και είμαι πολύ ευτυχής και περήφανη που τα νιάτα μου τα έζησα εκείνα τα χρόνια.